Abstract: Major paranormal phenomena,
defined as phenomena detectable by the senses alone without a need for
statistics, have diminished in the contemporary publications of the Society
compared with the publications of its first several decades. The lack of reports
of such major phenomena may reflect diminished interest in them on the part of
investigators, most of whom have turned their attention to laboratory
experiments that elicit marginal results requiring statistical analysis.
However, it seems likely that the major phenomena occur less frequently in the
West today than they did formerly. Skepticism derived from philosophical
materialism may inhibit normally the occurrence of major paranormal phenomena.
It may also inhibit them through paranormal processes. The most promising
sources of major paranormal phenomena today may be in industrially undeveloped
countries, among a few specially gifted individuals, and in certain unusual
experiences, such as those of persons who come close to death and recover.
 Presidential Address, April 1989. I thank T.
N. E. Greville, Emily Williams Cook and Rhea White for helpful comments on an
earlier draft on this Address.
THE DAUNTING prospect of
trying to deliver a Presidential Address in any way worthy of being placed on
the same shelf as previous Addresses impelled me to read, in recent months, many
of the Addresses that I had not previously studied. In doing this I paid
particular attention to the speakers' appraisals of the Society's
accomplishments. Although I made no attempt to rank the speakers on a scale of
optimism versus pessimism in their judgments of the Society's work, I noted that
several emphatically expressed optimism about the outcome of our labors. I am
not referring to confidence in the worthiness of the enterprise, but to
assertions of success in it. In the decades between 1910 and 1980 at least six
Presidents asserted that telepathy had been proved or nearly so (Flammarion,
L. E. Rhine, 1982;
and Smith, 1910).
 This list may not be exhaustive of all those who
confidently claimed the proof, or near-proof, of extrasensory perception. I have
not read all the Presidential Addresses.
One might ask why, if telepathy had been proved by 1910, later Presidents
thought it necessary to reiterate the claim so often in subsequent years. I can
think of two reasons why they might have felt a need for such renewed
affirmation. First, each generation of investigators, perhaps each decade of
them, has believed its methods superior to those of its predecessors. This has
entailed the temptation to hint at, or even to say openly, something like: "Our
forerunners thought they had solid evidence of paranormal phenomena, but their
methods were crude compared with ours. We have finally proven the reality
of these phenomena." Second, they knew that what they and the audiences
listening to their Addresses — largely the members and friends of the Society —
regarded as proof did not seem that to the majority of scientists. The rest of
the world had not heard, or had not listened if it did hear. They needed to be
told again. Unfortunately, the need still exists.
Our inability to persuade larger numbers of educated persons, especially
scientists, to take seriously our endeavors and accomplishments seems more than
a disappointment; it may now be a fatal weakness. Until the present generation
new recruits in psychical research always seemed available to fill the places of
investigators who died; and for a time it looked as if the study of paranormal
phenomena was taking root in universities. However, we must admit that today
psychical research has almost gone from the universities, at least on the
continent of Europe and in North America. Even in the United Kingdom, psychical
research is almost extinct in universities south of the Tweed. We are not
gaining the interest of well-qualified younger investigators with new ideas in
sufficient numbers to succeed those of us whose ideas need to be replaced by
other insights and better methods.
The decline during recent decades in the acceptance of our achievements — even
of the legitimacy of our endeavors — on the part of other scientists must have
several causes. I have written elsewhere about what I believe to be one of the
less important of these causes, namely the misguided effort to identify a
separate discipline of science called parapsychology (Stevenson, 1988). However,
that is not my theme in this Address. Instead, I wish to suggest other causes of
the decline effect in psychical research. I think by far the most important of
these causes is our inability to observe and report major paranormal phenomena.
Here I emphasize the word major, by which I mean phenomena so gross that
we require no statistics for their demonstration. In specifying further what I
am thinking about, I shall say little about physical phenomena and consider
mainly spontaneous (mental) cases, mental mediumship, and the feats of unusually
gifted sensitives or clairvoyants. The volumes of the early and middle years of
our Society's publications contain numerous reports of carefully investigated
major phenomena subsumed under these categories, and I wish to address the
question of why we publish little or nothing of this sort today.
Some of my listeners and readers may ask whether a return of such major
phenomena would improve the fortunes of psychical research. After all, if these
phenomena failed to carry conviction outside a fairly narrow circle before,
why should they do so today? The point is a good one, and to it I can only reply
that the minor phenomena requiring statistics for their demonstration are
certainly not exciting interest among modern scientists, and perhaps the major
phenomena would. A survey by McClenon (1984) of "elite scientists" offers some
support for this view. He found that 29 percent of the respondents said that
they believed in extrasensory perception. However, as the basis for their
belief, twice as many of the believers cited personal experience as cited
reports in scientific journals. Moreover, among 351 scientists responding to
McClenon's questionnaire only nine cited a journal in our field as a source of
information on the subject. We are not justified in believing from the
information available that the elite scientists surveyed by McClenon experienced
what I think of as major phenomena, although some of them may have done so. We
may, however, believe that they would be more impressed by such major phenomena,
if we could report them, than they now are by the marginal results of most
laboratory experiments that require statistics for their demonstration.
 The circle of persons interested in psychical
research and praising the work of the Society (even though not active in it) may
have been larger between 1880 and 1920 than this phrase implies. I think the
willingness of so many eminent men to stand in the glaring publicity of the
Presidency reflects a broader acceptance of the Society's work by intellectual
leaders than we can find among their successors today.
Next we come to the distinction between the reporting of phenomena and the
occurrence of them. The paucity of reports of such major phenomena may reflect
nothing more than lack of interest or lack of resources for investigations on
the part of psychical researchers. Or there may have been a real decline in the
occurrence of the phenomena. Or both these factors may be present.
We could argue that the preponderant attention given in our journals to
experimental studies compared with reports of the major phenomena reflects a
lack of interest in the latter on the part of investigators. A decline of
interest in the major phenomena appears to have set in during the 1930s, when
they were still more plentiful than they appear to be today. It is worth asking
why this occurred.
Several causes may have contributed to investigators having less interest in the
major phenomena than they earlier had. Changing economic conditions may have
drawn them away from spontaneous cases, the study of which was more costly than
experiments were, at least in the early days of the fashion for experiments.
Perhaps researchers became afraid of the phenomena. Eisenbud (1983), Tart (1984)
and White (1985) have suggested that psychical researchers are afraid to
acknowledge (and hence afraid to observe) the vast paranormal powers of which
they assume at least some persons are capable. Who would want to believe that by
thinking alone he could move mountains, kill a neighbor, or sink the Titanic?
This argument seems based on assumptions instead of evidence. Moreover, it must
include a discrediting judgment of ourselves compared with our predecessors,
because certainly nineteenth-century investigators and some of those in the
early years of this century did not hesitate to encounter tables and persons
that levitated as well as the appearance or the reality of full-form
materializations of the dead.
It seems to me that the psychical researchers of the last two generations have
been less afraid of the major phenomena than they have been of the disapproval
of colleagues in other branches of science. This led many of them to imitate
psychologists, who, in their laboratories, were trying to imitate physicists and
chemists in theirs. The unbalanced emphasis on laboratory experiments that has
now prevailed among two generations of psychical researchers needs correction,
as I have argued elsewhere (Stevenson, 1987). We are bound to have fewer reports
of major paranormal phenomena if we have fewer investigators interested in
studying and reporting them. Moreover, the paucity of scientists known to take
an interest in these phenomena means that persons having paranormal experiences
have little information about qualified professional persons to whom they might
describe whatever experiences they have. Also, persons who have or think they
may have special sensitivities or mediumistic abilities have almost no one
qualified in psychical research to whom they can turn for encouragement and
Nevertheless, I do not believe that we can attribute the decline in the
reporting of major phenomena entirely to lack of interest on the part of
investigators, whatever factors may have contributed to that lack. Also, some of
the decline in the interest of investigators may now result from a falling off
in the amount and quality of the phenomena available for study. For judging the
truth of this conjecture we have little reliable data. I can assure you that
claims of the major phenomena that warrant investigation have not ceased
altogether, because our unit at the University of Virginia continues to be
notified of them from time to time. However, our informants are not a random
sample, both because they have the initiative to telephone or write to us and
because they know of our existence in the first place. Surveys conducted during
recent decades (Haraldsson, 1985,1988-89; Kalish and Reynolds, 1973; Palmer,
1979) tell us that the proportion of the general population who believe
that they have experienced some paranormal phenomenon has not declined from that
found in earlier surveys (Sidgwick, H. and Committee, 1894;
Unfortunately, the modern surveys have elicited reports of beliefs about
paranormal experiences, not evidence that the reported experiences are
paranormal. Haraldsson (1988-89) is the only modern surveyor of psychical
experiences who has also investigated some of the claims his respondents have
made. In Iceland, at least, veridical and death-coinciding apparitions seem to
be reported with a frequency not appreciably less than that observed in
nineteenth-century England (Sidgwick, H. and Committee, 1894). However, I
believe that Iceland may not be typical of Western countries, and I think —
admittedly on insufficient evidence — that a real decline in major paranormal
phenomena has occurred in the West during this century. In the remainder of this
Address, I propose to accept this assumption and consider some of the possible
reasons for this decline.
Physical theories about the nature of extrasensory perception have been proposed
since the late nineteenth century (Barrett,
Myers, 1882); they
achieved some prominence from Berger's (1940) conjectures and in recent years
have become fashionable. They have gained many adherents without winning
universal acceptance among persons whose opinions we should respect. If we were
to decide that some physical feature, such as extremely low frequency
electromagnetic waves (Persinger, 1987), correlated reliably with manifestations
of extrasensory perception, we might decide that the increase during recent
decades of "electronic smog" (Fox, 1988) (at least in regions having much
electronic equipment) has been an important cause of the decline in major
paranormal phenomena. This would lead us to expect that manifestations of
extrasensory perception would vary from region to region with differences in the
amount of electronic smog. Unfortunately, with our present meager resources we
cannot undertake a project of the magnitude required for adequately testing this
I recognize in myself a bias against physical theories of extrasensory
perception, because I believe that we can understand it better by a dualist
concept of brain and mind that permits minds, under certain circumstances, to
communicate directly with each other (outside known physical means of
communication). Accordingly, my search for causes in the decline of the major
paranormal phenomena has concentrated on possible psychological explanations. I
have tried to think of features in which life in the West now differs from what
it was one hundred years ago and from what it is in other parts of the world
today. I shall consider the changes that seem to me important under the two
headings of normal processes and paranormal ones.
The normal processes I further divide into changes in our conditions and manner
of living and changes in our attitudes. To take the former first, I think that
we have learned from the study of spontaneous cases the importance for their
occurrence of both love and death. The participants are nearly always persons
having bonds of affection, and the event communicated is most often some peril
endangering the agent. We can say that the percipient has a need to know what is
happening to the agent and the agent a need to let the percipient know (Murphy,
When normal communication is infeasible, the need for paranormal communication
increases. The authors of Phantasms of the Living (Gurney, Myers and
Podmore, 1886) may not have realized that violent death occurred frequently
among the events communicated in the cases reported in their great work. At
least they did not draw attention to the fact. Nevertheless, among 314
Phantasms cases involving death, it had occurred violently in 28 percent.
Furthermore, among the approximately two-thirds of the cases in which death had
occurred naturally we found that in one-third the death had occurred suddenly
(Stevenson, 1982). (We defined a death as "sudden" if it occurred within 24
hours of the deceased person's being thought well or at least, if ill, in no
danger of dying.) A violent death in the nineteenth century was nearly always
also a sudden one, and, if this be agreed, then almost 53 percent of the deaths
involved in the Phantasms cases occurred suddenly. Furthermore, the
persons concerned were often physically separated by long distances and normal
communications were, .by modern standards, extremely crude. (The telegraph was
not adequately developed until the second half of the nineteenth century, and
die telephone not until its last quarter.) The slowness and sometimes the
impossibility of a normal communication would, I believe, increase the need to
have a paranormal one. In the hundred years since the founding of our Society
normal long-distance communications have greatly improved. Advances in medical
care and their better deployment have also resulted in delayed deaths from
violence, so that although violent deaths still occur they are not so apt to be
sudden as they once were. These changes, I suggest, have reduced the need for a
person who dies violently, or is accidentally injured, to communicate
paranormally with those who love him or her.
The need to communicate paranormally has therefore diminished. Can we say
that the desire to communicate has declined also? I said above that
percipients and agents in spontaneous cases are nearly always linked in a loving
relationship. No one has found a way to measure love, but certain social
indicators, such as the increased rate of divorce, of crime, and perhaps of
child abuse, suggest to me that our society has become, on the whole, more
selfish, that is, less loving than at least some societies of other times and
places. If so, this may be another factor in the decline in paranormal
A third normal feature of Western society that has changed markedly during the
past one hundred years is the growth of philosophical materialism. Most
scientists, for example, believe in materialism as unquestioningly as they
believe in Copernican astronomy. A survey of the belief in life after death
conducted in 1981 showed that in the United States 67 percent of the general
population believe in life after death, whereas only 32 percent of leading
physicians and only 16 percent of leading (nonmedical) scientists do (Gallup,
1982). Most of us are probably familiar with the prevalence of materialism among
scientists. What is not sufficiently recognized is that, although about
two-thirds of respondents among the general public believe in life after death,
almost one-third do not. It is to that substantial minority that I wish to draw
your attention. I am not familiar with any surveys of belief in life after death
in the nineteenth century, and I think there were none. However, a question
posed about the belief in life after death would have shocked nearly all
respondents of that time. Gallon's study of the efficacy of prayer assumed that
most persons attended church, prayed when they were in church, and believed —
some perhaps only perfunctorily — in the power of their prayers to preserve the
life of the British sovereign (Galton, 1883). I think we may assume also that
everyone who engaged in prayers for the sovereign believed that the sovereign
had a soul that would survive physical death; and they believed the same of
Some persons can segregate beliefs about different aspects of non-material
existences and events. This would be particularly likely to be true of persons
who have made a special study of psychical phenomena. We know that at least two
(and probably more) former Presidents of our Society have believed in paranormal
cognition but not in the survival of human personality after death (Dodds, 1934;
Richet, 1922). However, I think that members of the general public do not
usually make such a distinction. For most of them, a belief in life after death
almost entails a belief in miracles, such as the phenomena described in the
Bible, and also a belief in what we call paranormal cognition. Conversely,
members of the general public who do not believe in life after death are also
likely to be skeptical about all kinds of paranormal phenomena, the recognition
of which would imply for them a soul that would survive bodily death. If these
assumptions are justified, we can conclude that the belief in paranormal
phenomena has declined during the past century. (I realize that this is contrary
to what the surveys that I cited earlier suggest.) Beliefs influence
expectations, and numerous experiments in psychology have shown that
expectations influence perceptions (Allport and Kramer, 1946; Dixon, 1981). This
must also be true of extrasensory perceptions. A disbeliever in apparitions is
less likely to see one than is a believer. Some disbelievers may see apparitions
despite their skepticism, but the overall effect of an increased skepticism
would be to reduce the number of persons sensitive to apparitions and other
paranormal experiences also. In addition, disbelief may cause dismissal of a
paranormal experience that does occur through quick interpretation of it as
"just a hallucination" or "only a coincidence". From the consequent reduction,
both of the perception of paranormal experiences and of their recognition as
being paranormal when they do occur, fewer of them would be reported.
Indications of interference with paranormal phenomena may be exceedingly
difficult to detect. To illustrate this point, I shall mention an observation
from our study of the features of persons who claimed to remember experiences
when they were recovering from being near death. Greyson and I (1980) found that
such persons were much more likely to say that they had had what I call the
advanced phenomena of these experiences, such as meeting deceased persons or
"beings of light", when their near-fatal crisis occurred at home or outdoors
than when it occurred in a hospital or other public place. I want to emphasize
that I completely overlooked the importance of this finding for several years,
until I happened to have occasion to review our data and suddenly realized the
possible significance of this correlation. I have long thought that the attempt
of some experimenters to simulate in their laboratories a home-like atmosphere
by putting in deeply upholstered chairs and some well-known prints of Picasso's
paintings was downright silly. To reach this mock living room, the subjects of
such experimenters would usually have had to traverse half a mile of hospital or
other institutional corridors which would effectively tell them that they were
far from home. The results of our comparison between the experiences of persons
having near-fatal crises in their homes and in their hospitals confirmed me in
my bias against the use of laboratories to study paranormal phenomena, except
for a few restricted purposes.
I shall next consider the possibility that spreading materialism has had an
inhibiting effect on paranormal phenomena through paranormal causes. Critics
tell us that allegations of their having an adverse effect on the phenomena are
mere evasions of the painful truth that they have imp roved vigilance and
tightened controls, so that the alleged phenomena do not occur in the presence
of the controls they recommend. This may be true in some instances, and I am far
from saying that we can learn nothing from critics. However, we for our part
have obtained abundant evidence of the effect of the participants' beliefs on
the delicate balance for or against paranormal effects in experimental
situations (White, 1976). An atmosphere of completely unqualified belief appears
to facilitate and may indeed be essential for the occurrence of paranormal
physical phenomena (Batcheldor, 1966; Owen and Sparrow, 1976), and I think
this may be equally true of paranormal mental phenomena. If belief
facilitates them, disbelief can block them, as Schmeidler's (1943a, 1943b)
experiments showed many years ago.
A person adversely affecting an experiment in extrasensory perception does not
need to be physically present with the percipient. Schmeidler (1961a, 1961b)
showed that the scores of percipients at card-guessing tended to be high or low
according to whether an agent was wishing the percipient to succeed or to fail.
Some experiments even suggest that unfavorable influences may not reach the
level of an overt wish that a percipient would fail; much more subtle negative
qualities may come into play (West and Fisk, 1953). Several experiments,
principally of the late nineteenth century, have demonstrated a capacity for
certain subjects to be put to sleep by suggestion directed at them from a long
distance (Adams, 1849-50; Janet, 1886a, 1886b; Richet, 1886; Vasiliev, 1976).
There are even cases on record whose authenticity we have no reason to doubt of
persons having died suddenly after they were wished to death at a distance, the
victims being unaware of the fatal wishing aimed at them (David-Neel, 1961;
Rose, 1956). These observations warrant us in thinking that disbelief can
inhibit the occurrence of the phenomena whose authentic existence it denies.
I have made a diagnosis and, as a medical man should, I have also indicated what
physicians call etiology, that is, causes. However, I am reminded now of Hilaire
Belloc's slighting reference to physicians who
... answered, as they took their Fees,
There is no cure for this disease.
Therefore, I should propose some remedies. We cannot
— I say with some regret — return to all conditions as they were in the West a
century ago. However, our studies may benefit from a new cycle of belief in
paranormal phenomena. Perhaps the current wave of gullibility toward alleged
paranormal phenomena that we see among many members of the general public, and
which most of us deplore, may, by the processes I have conjectured, once again
facilitate the occurrence of the major paranormal phenomena.
Let me, however, suggest three other means of finding major paranormal phenomena
today. First, we can go to the countries now called undeveloped. I mean most of
Asia and Africa, where social conditions are in many respects similar to those
of the West in the nineteenth century or perhaps the eighteenth century. In
these regions normal communications still depend largely on conveyance by word
of mouth. One's own feet and perhaps the bullock-cart are the main means of
movement from one place to another in rural parts. Family ties remain close,
everyone believes in the reality of telepathy, and the dead are conceived as
having survived and being still sometimes able to intervene in terrestrial
affairs. Thus impaired normal communications exist along with both a still
strong desire to communicate with other persons one loves and a widespread
belief that paranormal communication is possible. In these regions the major
paranormal phenomena are said still to occur abundantly.
 This is not just one more datum for
dissertations by graduate students in anthropology. There are grounds for
believing that the more rapid and more durable recovery from severe mental
illnesses in undeveloped countries (compared with Western countries) may be due
to the stronger family ties that exist in these countries (Waxier, 1974).
I have myself no personal experience with any form of paranormal phenomena in
Asia and Africa other than that of the children who claim to remember previous
lives, but I do have much experience of these cases. I have often asked myself
why we find such children so much more easily in those parts of the world than
elsewhere. An obvious first answer to this question is that the people of these
regions nearly all believe in reincarnation, and this belief somehow facilitates
and even promotes the children's narrations about previous lives. This is
certainly true, but I think it is insufficient as an explanation of what we are
trying to understand. There must be other factors contributing to the occurrence
of these and other cases of apparent paranormal phenomena in Asia and Africa. I
suggest that one cause is that the peoples of these regions still take as normal
what we in the West have come to call paranormal. If I were advising a young
scientist entering psychical research today, I would reverse Horace Greeley's
advice to young Americans of the mid-nineteenth century and say "Go East, young
 This well-known phrase is correctly attributed
to John B. L. Soule. Horace Greeley borrowed it and used it, but with due
acknowledgment to Soule.
 During a rehearsal of this Address my colleagues quickly told me that the
direction to go East was too narrow. They reminded me that the northwest area of
North America is not East, while Africa and South America are South. All these
are regions where we may still find major paranormal phenomena.
My second recommendation is a careful search for special subjects who have
unusual paranormal capacities and are also willing to cooperate in scientific
investigations. In the last few decades several persons with alleged or
self-proclaimed gifts have appeared in our arena. Unfortunately, nearly all have
tended either to become figures in the world of entertainment and mass media or
to welcome and attract a circle (or crowd) of adulating and uncritical
followers. The former outcome occurs most often in the West, the latter most
often in Asia. With both of them conditions for quiet scientific inquiry become
ruined. But we should not despair. Our predecessors had the good fortune to work
with Eileen Garrett, Olga Kahl,
Gladys Osborne Leonard,
Leonora Piper, and a few others of their quality. Their like
will surely be seen again; some may even be among us now, if we would just look
for them. There will be no quick results in this endeavor. It may take years of
sifting before an investigator finds an outstanding subject and perhaps some
further years before investigations with the subject can warrant a publication.
Still, the rewards from this effort in gains of knowledge might be immense.
My last suggestion might seem like a rebuke to present members of the Society,
but I certainly do not intend it as such. I cannot, however, forbear from
telling you that in some respects the domain of the Society for Psychical
Research has broken up rather in the manner of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after
World War I. If we were to pursue this analogy we might say that regions
formerly held under one sovereignty have asserted their independence and gone
their own ways. The departure of hypnotism after it received at least a modicum
of official recognition from medicine was not regretted in the Society; some
members even welcomed it as a sign of progress, because the studies of some of
our early members, such as Gurney, had signally contributed to the legitimation
of hypnosis. So far so good. Consider, however, the following categories:
unusual healings, lucid dreams, multiple personality, mystical or religious
experiences, and experiences during near-fatal injuries and illnesses. Each of
these topics had the attention of our pioneers, and reports of them appear in
the early volumes of our Society or in related publications by early members of
the Society. And yet today each of these five categories of research has a
separate society devoted to the special study of a particular type of
experience. I cannot explain why this happened, but I deplore it. I do not
think the secession, as I see it, of these territories that we first colonized
is beneficial, either to the small newly-created states or to the mother
country. Some of those who have founded these smaller societies seem misguided
to me, and they may find themselves more isolated from other scientists than we
 Perhaps I should add to this list of secessions
that of the skeptics, who have now formed their own group. The Society for
Psychical Research has always had — from Frank Podmore on — one or more members
who could be described as "skeptics in residence ". However, so far as I know,
these members, although they often doubted individual instances, never adopted
the stance that paranormal phenomena could not be possible; and none ever
advocated stopping the search for more and better evidence of the phenomena.
However, our Society may have been as much at fault as those who have failed to
find it an appropriate forum for their interests. The Society for Psychical
Research may insidiously have come to identify the field of its endeavors as
narrower than it once was or should now again become. Some may even say that the
Society has begun to resemble a particular chapter of Alcoholics Anonymous in
the United States, which gradually became so exclusive that it eventually denied
membership to certain applicants on the grounds that they were drunkards. Some
of the recently founded groups with more specialized interests than ours may
have taken with them, so to speak, some of the major phenomena of which I lament
the decline in our reports.
We must ask ourselves what should be the task of the Society in the remaining
decade of this century and in all the decades of the next. It is certainly that
of continuing to act as a third force between persons who are too credulous and
those who are too skeptical. If we maintain the high standards for which we have
been known and esteemed, we may once more attract first-rate scientists and
scholars. So long as our Society exists, fanatical skeptics cannot say there are
no paranormal phenomena to study. Also, so long as it exists, intelligent
persons will have some resources against the claims of the self-deceived and the
deceivers who abound around the edges of psychical research.
Our survival cannot, however, rest on an assumed position of magisterial
authority. We may not be the best judges — we are almost certainly not — of the
place from which the next advances in our field will come. Therefore, in
maintaining our standards we must avoid any hardened dogmas that allow only
familiar ideas to find expression. An open mind is not necessarily an empty one.
Let us try to seek out again the major paranormal phenomena — wherever they may
be. Careful investigations of these phenomena brought this Society its early
fame; and such investigations can bring it a new fame as well.
Adams, N. Remarkable Mesmeric Phenomena. The Zoist 1849-50, 7, 79-80.
Allport, G. W. and Kramer, B. M. Some Roots of
Prejudice. Journal of Psychology 1946, 22, 9-39.
Barrett, W. F., Gurney, E. and Myers, F. W. H. First
Report on Thought-Reading. ProcSPR 1882, 1, 13-34.
Batcheldor, K. J. Report on a Case of Table Levitation
and Associated Phenomena. JSPR 1966, 43, 339-356.
Berger, H. Psyche. Jena: Verlag von Gustav Fischer 1940.
David-Neel, A. Immortalité et Réincarnation.
Paris: Librairie Pion 1961.
Dixon, N. F. Preconscious Processing. New
York: John Wiley and Sons 1981.
Dodds, E. R. Why I Do Not Believe in Survival.
ProcSPR 1934, 42, 147-172.
Eisenbud, J. Parapsychology and the Unconscious.
Berkeley, California: North Atlantic Books 1983.
Flammarion, C. Presidential Address. ProcSPR 1923-24, 34, 1-27.
Fox, B. Electronic Smog Fouls the Ether. New
Scientist 1988, 118, 34-38.
Gallup, G., Jr. (with W. Proctor) Adventures in
Immortality. New York: McGraw-Hill Company 1982.
Galton, F. Inquiries into Human Faculty and its
Development. London: Macmillan and Company 1883.
Greyson, B. and Stevenson, I. The Phenomenology
of Near-Death Experiences. Am. J. Psychiatry 1980, 137, 1193-1196.
Gurney, E., Myers, F. W. H. and Podmore, F.
Phantasms of the Living. London: Trubner and Co. 2 vols. 1886.
Haraldsson, E. Representative National Surveys of
Psychic Phenomena: Iceland, Great Britain, Sweden, USA and Gallup's
International Survey. JSPR 1985, 53, 145-158.
Haraldsson, E. Survey of Claimed Encounters with the
Dead. Omega 1988-89, 19(2), 103-113.
Janet, P. Note sur Quelques Phénomènes de
Somnambulisme. Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Etranger 1886(a),
Janet, P. Deuxième Note sur le Sommeil Provoqué à
Distance et la Suggestion Mentale Pendant l'Etat Somnambulique. Revue
Philosophique de la France et de l'Etranger 1886(b), 22, 212-223.
Kalish, R. A. and Reynolds, D. K. Phénoménologie al
Reality and Post-Death Contact. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion
McClenon, J. Deviant Science. The Case of
Parapsychology. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1984.
McDougall, W. Presidential Address. Proc SPR 1920, 31,105-123.
Murphy, G. Psychical Phenomena and Human Needs.
JASPR 1943, 37,163-191.
Owen, I. M. and Sparrow, M. Conjuring up Philip:
An Adventure in Psychokinesis. New York: Harper and Row 1976.
Palmer, J. A Community Mail Survey of Psychic
Experiences. JASPR 1979, 73, 221-251.
Persinger, M. A. Spontaneous Telepathic Experiences
from Phantasms of the Living and Low Global Geomagnetic Activity. JASPR
1987, 81, 23-36.
Prince, W. F. Presidential Address. ProcSPR
1930-31, 39, 273-304.
Rhine, L. E. Presidential Address: The Way it Looks.
ProcSPR 1982, 56, 367-398.
Richet, C. Un Fait de Somnambulisme à Distance.
Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Etranger 1886, 21, 199-200.
Richet, C. Traité de Métapsychique. Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan 1922.
(American edition. Thirty Years of Psychical Research. S. De Brath,
trans. New York: The Macmillan Company 1923.)
Rose, R. Living Magic. New York: Rand McNally and Co. 1956.
Salter, W. H. Presidential Address. ProcSPR
1946-49, 48, 239-252.
Schmeidler, G. R. Predicting Good and Bad Scores in
a Clairvoyance Experiment: A Preliminary Report. JASPR 1943(a),
Schmeidler, G. R. Predicting Good and Bad Scores in
a Clairvoyance Experiment: A Final Report. JASPR 1943 (b), 37, 210-221.
Schmeidler, G. R. Evidence for Two Kinds of
Telepathy. Int. J. Parapsychology 1961 (a), 3, 5-48.
Schmeidler, G. R. Are There Two Kinds of Telepathy?
JASPR 1961(b), 55, 87-97.
Sidgwick, H. and Committee. Report on the Census of
Hallucinations. ProcSPR 1894, 10, 25-422.
Smith, H. A. Presidential Address. ProcSPR
1910, 24, 330-350.
Stevenson, I. The Contribution of Apparitions to the
Evidence for Survival. JASPR 1982, 76, 341-358.
Stevenson, I. Changing Fashions in the Study of
Spontaneous Cases. JASPR 1987, 81, 1-10.
Stevenson, I. Was the Attempt to Identify
Parapsychology as a Separate Field of Science Misguided? JASPR 1988, 82,
Tart, C. T. Acknowledging and Dealing with the Fear
of Psi. JASPR 1984, 78, 133-143.
Vasiliev, L. L. Experiments in Distant Influence.
New York: E. P. Dutton and Co. 1976.
Waxier, N. E. Culture and Mental Illness. A Social
Labeling Perspective. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 1974, 159,
West, D. J. A Mass-Observation Questionnaire on
Hallucinations. JSPR 1948, 34, 187-196.
West, D. J. and Fisk, G. W. A Dual ESP Experiment
with Clock Cards. JSPR 1953, 37, 185-197.
White, R. A. The Influence of Persons Other than the
Experimenter on the Subject's Scores in Psi Experiments. JASPR 1976, 70,
White, R. A. The Spontaneous, the Imaginal, and Psi:
Foundations for a Depth Psychology. Research in Parapsychology 1984.
A. White and J. Solfvin, Eds. Metuchen, N.J : The Scarecrow Press, Inc. 1985,
Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research,
Volume 57, Part 215, April 1990.